Said El Mansour Cherkaoui, Ph.D.  has 79 articles published in LinkedIn

🌎 Said El Mansour Cherkaoui, Ph.D. 🌍

Introductory Note

2017 Progress Report – Industrial Acceleration Plan 2014 – 2020

Ministry of Industry, Investment, Trade and Digital Economy – March 2018

The Industrial Plan should be carried out in 2020: What about it?

The compilation of my notes published in the form of an article with several sections consists of an analysis of the central subject which is the new role of the Moroccan Elites in the process of the economic transformation of all the activities related to the international market which they use. as a vehicle for their own interests, even in the choice of a liberalism without borders for the management of the country’s political affairs. While most of the advanced countries in which these elites draw their models and their profitable alliances are in the process of advocating nationalist strategies and protective of their economies.

This article is part of a series of other publications on the same social phenomenon that is taking place and which is in some way the reason for the political deadlock that preceded and delayed for several months the appointment of the government on the basis of the elections. A delay that resulted in the dismissal of former Prime Minister Benkirane who had failed to form a coalition government. One of the reasons for this affront was that the contenders for power sought to strengthen their economic interests in taking the decision of power, an antagonism then arises within the same class of Moroccan elites who are thus divided and antagonistic between the administrative political fractions and the techno-political and entrepreneurial fractions.

This subcapitalization of the peripheral economies was achieved through a modernization of productive structures and infrastructure, and this without changing the inherent social formations or the monopolization of power by the large landowners and their allies who served in the large urban centers and the port cities of direct connection and transmission belt of market value with the international market dominated by European liberalism and British expansionism. The countries of Latin America having been among the first to become independent of the Iberian mercantile powers. The new “Mestizo” rulers believed that being vassals of the most industrialized country at the time and the one with the most colonies, this would serve as a springboard for them to tackle the new global market while importing and modernizing a model of development, all Made in Great Britain. For Great Britain, the countries of Latin America represented compensation for the loss of the 13 colonies of North America and a means of controlling the future of Spain and Portugal in order to contain the rise of rivalry with Napoleonic France.

▼  New Recipe of Globalization in Morocco


Globalization and Modernization: Social Elites in Morocco

October 16, 2016


This article presents the benchmarks that allow us to understand the operational recompositing of globalization and its vectors at the level of the international technological and logistics division and its impacts in the formation and consolidation of a new entrepreneurial and technocratic social elite coupled with a political role which effectively serves as a transmission belt and vehicle for the demands and needs of foreign capital in the spheres of state decision-making in Morocco.

The interactive approach between the proponents of globalization and Moroccan political decision-makers and technocrats is reflected and negotiated at the level of the formulation and application of sectoral, regional and productive policies as well as legislative policies favorable to the establishment of a liberal strategy. without restraint and by pursuing Morocco’s integration into the international market as a customer and as a supplier of resources, including human resources in the form of low-cost labor.

The adjacent production mechanisms and processes favor the introduction in Morocco of a selective modernization of the sectors responding to these internal obligations and to a regionalization based, motivated and conveyed by purposes and logics which in their essence remain determined by the issues , competition and compromise taking place between the protagonists of the world market of which Morocco is ultimately only a marginal figure.

Internationalization of Productivity and Global Innovation: International Division of Robotics, Logistics, Technology and Biotechnology

Strictly speaking, as far as we are concerned in Morocco, there is no Neo in the current globalization. Globalization of any nation or economic entity often results in the emergence and adoption of standardization of production methods, increased productivity, technological innovation in terms of intermediate and final production costs. and logistics-distribution and the supply of the finished product with high added value.

The extraction of this value is achieved through a process favoring the use of vulnerable non-union labor in third countries. On the other hand, an introduction of robotics completes the existence of production units designated by “skrewdriver Factories” oriented towards the assembly of everyday consumer products and based on the use of an essentially female labor force and by little hands. In reality, the reduction of the cost of labor was the main reason for the introduction of women in these enterprises of manual assembly of by-products and spare parts.

Once a generalization of this female labor force was completed in the underdeveloped countries, it became more profitable to delocalize this kind of work. In the United States, “the English-speaking women of Alabama [an agricultural, relatively unindustrialized and conservative state in the South] were replaced by those of Hong Kong and Haiti, largely the following: toys, textiles, ready-made clothing, sports shoes, electronics and packaged food.

Unlike Multinational Corporations, the new Global Companies developed a new Business Model through a vertical and horizontal integration of their operations in order to reduce costs at all levels of their work tasks and process of production by integrating and organizing the entire supply chain of units of production, assembly and distribution from the place of the concept design to the final purchase by the consumer in the same integrated global strategy. Thus, the final product is no longer adapted to the cultural specificities and the needs of the regional clientele. It is the new Culture of Social Mediation and Mediatic that define the frame of product making and exposure.  The only modifications are made at the level of the applications installed locally and at the level of the language used for the operation of the technological product.

Multinationalization and New Technological and Logistics Division of Labor

At the level of the immediate periphery of a buoyant market, the Global Multinationals install operations and highly advanced technological production tools conditioning production by robotic and logistical techniques.

White Bonnet – White Bonnet, whether sold or bought, the Petit Marocain is sold and bought with and its market condition on the international market, it has no leverage or negotiation chip that could directly allow it to monetize its labor force or the quality of his training or his needs and aspirations at the very level of the products he is obliged to buy in this same international market to which he is subject as marginalized productivity and without any high added value specific to the level of his knowledge technological and others.

Under these conditions, the Moroccan labor force can be easily replaced by a robot or a worker from another country that is more efficient or similar in terms of the payroll or the proximity of the two essential places, namely the country providing the investment. and design of the product and the country receiving the final products as the outlet market.

In such an imbroglio, the male or female Moroccan worker is just another incapacitating human resource and having no synergy with respect to the productive obligations of the growth of Moroccan industry and as a result, the Moroccan labor force is offered to the highest bidder without combativeness or compensation leveled on international wages and therefore can only assert itself at the level of the calculation of international profit by the low wages dominating the productive structure in Morocco.

“Grumbling on wages”

At Renault Tangier, the social negotiations at the start of the year were the subject of discontent from the main union represented at the factory, the UMT, the largest central in the Kingdom of Morocco. In particular a strong expectation on the evolution of wages, while the Moroccan minimum wage has just increased over one year by 10% in two stages (to 2,570 dirhams per month, or 240 euros).

That said, “there was no strike or walkout. And I remind you that our salary base goes beyond the SMIG”, notes Paul Carvalho who highlights the social benefits granted in 2014 including the principle of a 13th month. On February 14, the UMT and Renault Morocco finally signed a social agreement, the full content of which has not been revealed.

According to Paul Carvalho, salary increases on the site average around 4.5% this year. Data that undoubtedly integrates different parameters (seniority, advancement, etc.). Source: Pierre-Olivier Rouaud

Nissan yesterday awarded Carlos Ghosn his compensation of more than one billion yen, or 9 million euros, for the 2015/2016 financial year. Enough to complete the 7.5 million euros already received at Renault.  A situation of accumulation of the mandates of CEO of two global groups, exceptional in the economic world and which has lasted for more than 10 years.


This is how Morocco is bought by foreign investors: the example of Tangier or Morocco must intervene to save the project given the withdrawal of Nissan

“Morocco has rolled out the red carpet for the manufacturer: no export tax, no tax on profits for five years. The kingdom also paid an investment bonus of 60 million euros, and created a training center for 8 million. A highway and a railway line directly linking the factory to the brand new port of Tangier Med, about thirty kilometers to the east, and to the free zone, to the west, where the suppliers are located, have otherwise made available.”

History Making and Marchandage by Renault

Morocco must intervene to save the project given the withdrawal of Nissan

Among the unforeseen events encountered during the project, Nissan, Renault’s ally, withdrew during the crisis. The financing was completed by Morocco, via the Caisse de depot et de gestion (CDG), which took 48% of the capital of the entity that operates the site, in mid-2009.

Source: Cyrille Pluyette

This is valid for portable electronic communication products and for the production of vehicles. Morocco enters the sphere of such an international strategy notably through the presence of Renault-Nissan as production intended for the internal, international and above all European market. 

Said El Mansour Cherkaoui, Ph.D.  published on ♦ 04-03, 2010

Selected as Top of 4 Articles published by the Global Edge Review at the Michigan State University – International Business Center Business College Complex: published initially at ♦ gBR Article 04-03, and Said El Mansour Cherkaoui Copyright © 2010.

By  Said El Mansour Cherkaoui, Ph.D.  analyses et publications sur l’Industrie Automobile et Renault –

Application Numérique, Economie du Savoir, Écosystème et Industrie Automobile au Maroc

Le Maroc doit faire face a une économie mondiale centrée sur l’exploitation commerciale du savoir, en l’occurrence l’innovation et le développement de secteurs a haute valeur ajoutée dont l’utilisation de l’intelligence artificielle augmente la différenciation technologique.  Ce décalage au détriment des pays subcapitalistes ayant une faible intégration technologique permet une plus grande réduction de coûts de production tout en augmentant le volume produit et un accroissement de l’écart entre les pays consommateurs et les pays détenteurs de la technologie tout en établissant de nouvelles formes de compétitivité doublées par un manque d’accès a l’innovation technologique qui est dorénavant justifiée par une invocation des lois du marché international et la division internationale du travail technologique.

Ces avances technologiques permettent aussi d’imposer une modernisation de l’infrastructure de transportation comme de celle même des aménités.     En fait, on assista au Maroc a un déferlement de réalisations modernisatrices qui étaient plus guidées par cet impact de l’attractivité sectorielle des investissements étrangers et show case afin de plaire au capital étranger.

  • Ce « monopole » de l’innovation technologique basée sur une nouvelle redistribution des taches productives, des décisions financières et des responsabilités gestionnaires sur le plan global et a travers une redéfinition de la division international du travail, tous dote les pays créateurs du privilège d’être les premiers innovateurs « first movers » qui en autres leur permet de dicter les conditions d’embauche, les traitements salariaux et sociaux et le niveau des bénéfices fiscaux et autres incitations offert par les politiques d’attractivité par les pays subcapitalistes vis-a-vis de l’investissement étranger direct productif.
  • Pour ces pôles industriels « Écosystèmes »,  une infrastructure fut modernisée et privilégiée dans la politique industrielle et régionale de l’Etat Marocain.  L’exemple de l’Alliance Renault – Nissan confirme et innove dans la mise en place de ces plateformes multinationales tournées vers les pays fournisseurs a la fois d’une main-d’oeuvre relativement a bas salaire et possédant une demande pour les véhicules assemblés localement tout en servant de fournisseurs pour les autres « clusters automotive » entourés d’une value-chain supply pour la production des composants et cela comme l’affirmation locale et régionale d’une stratégie internationale.
  • L’Économie Numérique et l’Économie du Savoir sont ainsi réintégrés à travers le monde permettant ainsi la création d’une synergie a la mode de écosystème comme plateformes pour la production et l’écoulement du produit final dans les marchés a proximité comme l’approvisionnement des autres usines dans les pays distants, ce qui est le cas actuellement de la présence de Renault au Maroc.  La production automobile au Maroc est en quelque sorte un « bridge’ entre ces considérations gestionnaires d’intégration internationale des unités de productions comme c’est un créneau de production de véhicules destinés a la fois a la demande locale, européenne et africaine.
  • « Les nouveaux investissements attestent du positionnement affirmé du secteur industriel du Royaume sur des activités à haute valeur ajoutée, ainsi que de la confiance d’opérateurs internationaux de renom dans le programme industriel national. Ils attestent aussi du changement de dimension industrielle à l’œuvre dans le Royaume qui migre ostensiblement vers un modèle économique solide confortant sa marche vers le concert des nations émergentes », rapporte la MAP.

Dans cette perspective, Moulay Hafid Elalamy Ministre de l’Industrie, de l’Investissement, du Commerce et de l’Economie Numérique déclarait en 2015 que ces investisseurs « peuvent investir 100% et avoir une appropriation entière de leurs entreprises au Maroc.   Ils peuvent également rapatrier du pays 100 pour cent des dividendes et tous leurs gains quand ils vendent leur entreprise.  Donc, il y a une liberté totale en ce qui concerne le mouvement des capitaux.    » Le Ministre Elalamy souligna aussi l’importance de la formation des travailleurs, ce qui permettra le pays à mieux répondre aux exigences des entreprises étrangères.  Une incitation supplémentaire a été la création de 4 zones de libre-échange et des zones de production sectorielles de Kenitra, Nouacer, Tanger et Oujda, bénéficiant d’un taux d’imposition de 0% pour les cinq premières années d’exploitation, suivie d’une taxe de 8,75% pour une période de vingt ans.

Ces bénéfices et ces avantages accordés aux sociétés internationales par le Maroc sont orientés vers le renforcement de l’intégration du Maroc dans les rouages financiers et logistiques du marché international de la compétition technologique alors qu’en même temps le commerce extérieur reste déficitaire et que le Maroc vient juste de réintégrer l’Unité Africaine alors que ses investissement en Afrique sont en continuelle croissance: un autre paradoxe de la globalisation de l’Économie productive robotique et la régionalisation périphérique au niveau des services numériques.

Between these two complementary vectors of the international division of techno-logistic labor navigates the preferential strategy for the location of production units both for Multinational Companies and Global Companies which ultimately operate on the basis of a common denominator, the fall in cost of labor, the monopolization of products with higher added value, the increase in the rate of profit and the absence of territorial or national loyalty. 

This new form of expansion of international capital therefore imposes freedom of trade, the abolition of customs duties and the acceptance of direct investment, especially in the service sector and industries using robotics as production tools and as a force. substitute work.

As a side to this, facilities for credit, taxation and use and appropriation of land for the rental of companies must be part of the package of facilities and benefits that can serve as an attraction for these global companies. Ultimately, some of these global companies only open sales branches or banks that can facilitate the granting of credit for the sale of their consumer products.

This penetration of financial capital is also done through the loans granted by international organizations such as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, which effectively completes the strategy of this globalization of productive and operational capital.

Indeed, one of the sine-qua-non conditions is effectively financial discipline through increased exports of manufactured goods and by achieving a balanced balance of payments and a surplus in the balance of trade accounts in order to be able to pay the installments of these same international credits. A vicious circle is thus established for the indebted countries which makes them vulnerable to the vagaries of the international situation.

Since the beginning of the 1970s the underdeveloped and Third World countries have been floundering in such contradictions and paradoxes of integration into the international market of products, labor and finance. In fact, their current accounts and their balance of payments continue to deteriorate under the impact of the vertiginous rise in the price of oil, private purchases of luxury goods for the local elites and, among other things, the purchase of arms, always increasingly sophisticated by governments fearing for their security.

This situation of external dependence was also reinforced by the facilities granted to foreign capital through which these vulnerable States try to attract production and therefore had established and continued fierce competition between them for its attraction through financial largesse of all kinds. which effectively reduce their foreign exchange inflows and increase the repatriation of profits, thus impacting the current accounts of the balance of payments.

In the nomenclature of these favors emerges the relationship and the global alliance between the leaders of the countries following, accepting and implementing this strategy of globalization and the supporters of international capital and at their heads the Global Multinationals.

These managers from third countries complete the strategic data of the CEOs of global companies on the ground downstream, and this as complementary centers scattered in countries distinguished by a strategic location or the existence of natural or human resources necessary for production and also that can be homogenized by the same needs and the achievements made in other design, production or distribution countries. The success of this globalization is based and unfolds thanks to the collaboration of the ruling classes, which have become structural clients.

​International Division

Between the pitfalls of this globalizing storm, safeguarding the common denominator of the own social bases of power is essential as part of maintaining a certain profitability of all operations and a certain success of their political and eco-financial aims through a real efficiency of their control and administration of the countries subject to their objectives shaped by the sharing of the benefits of global multinationalisation.

“Faced with globalization and the effects of triumphant neoliberalism, the Moroccan system reaffirms its stability through the preservation of rentier spaces for the elites and through the reproduction of client logics.” End of quote – [Source: Ricardo Bocco, Foreword]

The design of this little Matryoshka is in fact planned and whose design and construction comes from outside and whose local and regional collaborators make us dance around this totem of power made up by national clothes and physical traits which are not ours.

These actors and collaborators of the same subcapitalist form make us just a mirror and a reflection of the designs of others who have transformed a colonial power into a national power camouflaged under a local traditional dress to better familiarize us with ourselves while being a representation of other powers foreign to us as they remain in our eyes.

Indeed, despite the democratization in place and without being asked our opinion, these foreign and invisible rulers become real through those who resemble us in look and attitude as well as in language. These double-faced “turn-coat” duplex and full of duplicity as elites, formerly called technocrats or professionals of political politics, serve and guarantee the multinational interests on our own soil and this despite our land titles and our millennial struggles against invaders. strangers.   

These new managers of the land cadastre are the true direct responsible not only in the usurpation of our territory and its selling off according to the wishes and desires of foreign institutional investors but above all of our subjugation and our submission to the vagaries and goodwill of those who manipulate the designs of this same big international capital. A larger and more powerful Western and Eastern Elite that owns and recognizes no borders and displays no national regard.

As the saying goes, those who go together are alike. In this national irrationality and lack of cultural scruples, the only boundary shared between these two formulas of expansionist designs is the degree of extrapolation of added value and the level of profit made.

Those who do not want to sell their land become those who draw their own images on their own Matryoshka and like any self-respecting Matryoshka, it goes back to Lenin in the time and space of modern memory of this global capitalism which has no not shy and does not care about the looks of others and who only has regard for his own profit.

A Reflection on the Concepts of Democracy, People and Political Power:

The people are only the product of the result of social contradictions maintained and manipulated for the survival and continuity of the ruling and ruling class. In our case, we are like the Russian doll, Matryoshka, the ruling class is not visible at first sight and is made small in its dimension since it is minimal in number compared to the rest of the company but solid on its bases which sport and camouflage behind and within greater representation and management of its own interests .These intrinsic and vested interests are delegated to others through identical allegiance and identification in the profitability of this relationship.  

Several professional and structural dimensions project and outline their respective functions through larger and more varied forms of representation of this power. The dynamic of such a transfer is established and renewed through a sworn loyalty and an almost serfdom legitimacy. Such as the motifs appearing modeled on the others (puppets or fetishes) and in this precise case of the structuring of power, the designs like the objectives are also presented as identical but varied strata only in the dimension but not in the final representation. and whole. ​

Two-Headed, Bureau-Technocratic and Entrepreneurial Ruling Class:

In fact, achievements and economic advances specific to these classes are thus presented as a homogeneous social whole having the same sources and the same reasons for being, belief and appropriation of and in power, with the only difference that is that individual and entrepreneurial skills are presented in this environment as the only path and reason for social and economic success. Seeing them in action and putting technological innovation aside, Joseph Schumpeter would have thought that these Bureau-technocratic and Entrepreneurial strata are two mutants of the same theory that he had developed on the mind and the ideal-type of entrepreneur, the creator of a technological company, creative and isolated rebel, eager to fight against all odds to prove to others the superiority of his ideas,
[Source: ]

As the market is restricted and not yet buoyant for innovation such as Silicon Valley, the political sphere is thus substituted as a space of competition between the elites for the dispute of favors from the State and the Central Power. On the other hand, at the strictly political level, the success in the elections is presented as an effort and a result of an entire party or a formation of partisan and strategic opportunist alliances receiving the approval of the central power and sanctioned by the vote of the voters. In this difference and this eco-political confrontation, business leaders and the descendants of business owners have no access to the high spheres of national decision-making and whose survival remains dependent on the number and total of seats acquired in the regional, municipal and parliamentary elections.  

In the face of this, the leaders of political parties are strengthening their national and partisan base by approaching and penetrating the central political sphere while keeping a shadow and a light on municipal and parliamentary representation. In this crack between the rising class bureaucratic and technocratic middle and the entrepreneurial and business class, the power finds the reserves for negotiation and for the distribution of the privileges of regional and national authority as well as institutional recognition, including state favors in the form of contracts , promotion and positions of high diplomatic responsibility or within parastatal bodies and organizations.  

Already in the mid-nineties, these rantings and splitting of the attributes of the Moroccan elites were sketched out with rigor by  Ali Benhaddou  in the following terms:

“The elites of the kingdom, power, wealth and prestige are concentrated in the hands of a minority of ruling families. To preserve these privileges and defend their rank, they reproduce identically by using the resources of tradition: patriarchal filiations, marriages of convenience and economic alliances. From this family-based organization emerge wealthy, educated but power-hungry men. All are heirs, some of wealth, others of nobility. Placed at the head of state institutions, employers’ organizations, sports and philanthropic associations, they possess all the powers. Without creating a class, they combine to form a unit of power that dominates society.

  • Who are these men?
  • How do they gain political and economic power?
  • How do they exercise this power over men and institutions?
  • Do they really benefit from autonomy of action and judgment?
  • Or are they simply formed by the state to serve higher interests like those of multinational corporations?”
  • [Source Ali Benhaddou, 1997] ​C

This constitutional multiplicity is coupled with a multiplicity of privileged functions which had allowed the Moroccan Elites to become disparate and hybrid components in their origins, their training and their level of integration in relation to the central power of the State and that of a representative nature played out in addition by the political parties. As a result, a tangent balance of forces is thus maintained through the weak links between the various social, political and economic tendencies and forces that formed by the disparate political parties, the social and community organizations, the professional representatives entities that all together and separately provide “cadres” and feed the Moroccan State as the social basis of its power at the level of ministries, parliament, regional councils and lo cal au legislation and institution building. democratically representative.  

As a result, these various political and ideological manifestations of class interests remain frozen and translated into the arenas of electoral and parliamentary representation, having no effect or direct relation to the military aspect of the nation at all levels. In sum, it is these two social components with conflicting immediate interests but a similar objective and an identical destiny which serve as a locomotive for the train that they fill and deliver to the polls for the vote on their legitimacy and their allegiance to the central state power. . Despite the disagreements often due to the competitive mentality and the spirit of domination among their respective leaders,

The electoral system and electoral representation is imbued with a mercantile and market sociability and continues to be impacted and conditioned by coopted political parties that have imitated what the RFP during the fifties, sixties and seventies in France use to be as the antechamber of the Elysée and the gaullism, a suivisme and duplicated programs with no main difference just similarities and parallelism for the sake to be elected and reach wide span of the Moroccan society

  • own program of appearance and substance as well as of national scope having as objective the complete territorial integration of Morocco,
  • the recognition of the rights of citizens at all levels of their national aspirations for authentic development,
  • the establishment of a protection of the human, natural, financial and cultural resources of Morocco,
  • the encouragement of national initiatives for the growth of micro-small and medium-sized enterprises,
  • the end of external economic dependence and the reduction of external deficits,
  • the limitation of the privileges granted to private educational institutions and the establishment of a system of quality control of education according to the specific needs of technological and logistical development of Morocco,
  • the solution of the social problems of housing, schooling and the importance of the informal sector in the deviations from the real potentialities of the marginalized and deprived classes,
  • the creation of real strategic conduits for the promotion of Moroccan exports coupled with a review and renegotiation of the conditions and terms granted to the various free trade treaties,
  • the renegotiation of fishing treaties and the exploitation of Moroccan natural resources,
  • the establishment of a national policy in the management of Moroccan ports and the management of maritime traffic and the creation of a partnership agency between the State and private shipowners with a view to regulating and organizing priorities in with regard to traffic and maritime transport, as well as the encouragement of fishing industries for the export of their products,
  • the establishment of institutions that can concentrate their decision-making powers and the distribution of skills to create and implement a national strategy for the local, regional and international distribution of Moroccan land products and the “Made in Morocco” label.

I will stop there with regard to the enunciation of the stages of a program of political action, as long as all these considerations are not sketched out as a priority of these political parties or of these “leaders” technocratically formed in the sector of services, a sub-capitalist sector in essence, we will have what we have heard as an adage in Morocco since we were still children, namely that

Al Amach fi Bilad Amiine Howa Moul Anine Kbar and the photo of this lady-robot proves it here again unfortunately

One-eyed in the land of the blind is Undisputed Master (To be politically correct)

This is the case to say for this shot.

Here, in short, is part of the grievances of those who do not want to take sides and become puppets in the hands of certain leaders of political parties and their plot to overthrow their leader as is happening within the RNI party or since the overthrow of Osman it continues even more with the recent sidelining of Mezouar and the takeover of Akhnouche

Democratic Succession and Electoral Competitiveness

In the City of Marrakech, El Mansouri was dismissed from the presidency of the RNI and it is the turn of Mezouar to be in turn dismissed by Akhnouche. 

The Juice thus became bitter under the pressure of a new leader that the spirit of democracy conditions the change at the top of the political parties. The pressure of the young wolf Akhanouche got the better of the Veteran Mezouar.

Mezouar who has been at the center of many advances realized the ministries he had occupied and carried their duties with a great sense of success and progress. Salahdine Mezouar has built a reputation of “l’homme du terrain” a constructor of diverse relationships with international companies and chancelleries of foreign countries. The RNI has remained more local in its vision as we say that all Politics is local and the Change of Head in the Continuity of the Plots under the Leading Sun of Jamaa El Fna, the public square of the Machiavellian spectacle and Mic-Mac of Moroccan political politics.  

These internal struggles only accentuate the divisions and are doubled by the lure of the control of governmental power adding to the disarray of the entire Moroccan economy while instilling an organizational and operational weakness in any movement seeking to identify with social progress. .

It is indeed within such organizational and partisan cracks that the notion of the Moroccan nation is swept away to make way for the notion of the cult of personality and the desire for the monopoly of power, the delusions of grandeur in a system that is undermined. inside by the weakness of the leading personalities and the lack of progressive national consciousness, hence the domination of individualism, technocratism, and primary self-satisfaction.

The State is thus transformed into a well by which one waters its eminence and its own political and institutional greatness which can only be beneficial to a reduced elite of leaders and their restricted immediate entourage, a monopolization of national resources takes place thus and which diverted to the benefit of foreign, local and regional partners to have a seat and a power base coupled with international sub-capitalist collaboration with the supporters of the international market.

Morocco needs a Popular Elite in its economic and accessible content as well as in its social structural dimension, reformist in its productive expression, and operational in its political translation. Salahdine Mezouar is one of the conductors and convoyeurs of such drive and expression at the level of leadership in Moroccan politics.

Central Power, Emergence of the Middle Class, and Representation of Social Fetishism

The denomination of elector promotes the erasure of belonging to a given class and presents society as a democratic structure where all rights are equal and are freely translated by the electoral choice and by the consequent representation of allure. parliamentary, communal and urban. It is in this linear process of the justification and social translation of power that the little “Russian doll” as a representation in this form of effigy became the one who possesses the first appropriation of power not only of direction but above all of sharing and distribution of wealth and benefits as well as rewards to other fixed representations and modeling its own image with and for the rest of society.

So from the smallest representation the source of power is tamed to spread over the face of all the levels of social interaction which in the occupation of space is growing with larger representative entities at each stage. of realization and expression of the motives of power to become visible and present in the social mirror notably through economic, cultural, religious, political and social interactions. In this changing evolution, democracy provides the channels of communication, the means of co-option and the methods of harnessing social energies as well as the strategies of operation and representation. Through a democratization of the electoral process and the multiparty system, an interposition of the elected representatives between the power and the popular masses takes place.  

A middle class is thus surfacing and serves as an intermediary and broker between the people and power and even seeks its consolidation with alliances with the supporters of the international market. In time, this kind of middle class was called the comprador class.

This emerging middle class draws and confines the institutional resources of its political legitimacy and its social and religious sacralization through its functions and its role in social reproduction. It consolidates its positions in the face of the rise of its rival, which is the working class, which it slows down by the important role it plays for the benefit of power and for the benefit of its own structural survival, and this through its function of operating the selection, appointment and provisioning of ruling elites.

This function of intermediary devolved through elections is consolidated by a direct link with foreign interests given its structural social rivalry with the classes of manual workers and the popular masses rejected by these new ruling elites.

This base of power at the social level thus becomes the privileged interlocutor of foreign capital, which spares it no reward, including the granting of the medal of model democrats. On the other hand, the international arms market is thus open to it and having as a pretext and objective the defense of the national interest and geostrategic positions if not rather access to markets and to energy and mining products. To facilitate such transactions, credits and financial aid are sometimes granted at favorable rates and accompanied by donations to pseudo-charitable organizations and to private non-profit associations which gorge themselves on scholarships of foreign origin and local which are the properties of these same middle classes under nominees. 

 Bibliographical notes:
Cyrille Pluyette  06/01/2012, Morocco, new rear base of low-cost Renault

Ricardo Bocco, Foreword in

Ali Benhaddou : The elites of the kingdom, the Harmattan , History and Mediterranean Perspectives Collection  , May 1997, 228 p.

Dr. Said El Mansour Cherkaoui: The New Challenge for Morocco: A Conjunctural Economic Strategy or Sustainable Development, – published on Saturday September 5, 2015

Dr. Said El Mansour Cherkaoui: Morocco’s New Challenge: Reconciling Regionalization, Economic Growth and Globalization, – November 15, 2015

Jean-Jacques Gislain: The Origins of the Schumpeterian Entrepreneur, 

CIIP : An economy subservient to neoliberal globalization, May 1, 2012,

Simon Perrin: October 2002, Moroccan entrepreneurs A new social and political role against the Makhzen? ROUTES Development Studies nº 15, University Institute for Development, Publications Department Case postale 136 – CH-1211 GENEVA 21 

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Jacques Chirac as well as Nicolas Sarkozy represented here together students in the same schools where I obtained my first degree, as I said, the Institute of Political Studies, they were in Paris and myself was in Grenoble , but both are part of the same National Foundation of Political Sciences.

Elite schools are created as jump boards for those who originate and share the same principles as the Elites that allow for the renewal of internal structures of sharing and dominating internal circles of decision-making.

Profile of a Moroccan Elite

– 54 years old, Married, mother of 3 children.
– Casablanca, MOROCCO Mrs. Miriem Bensalah-Chaqroun is a Director and one of the Reference Shareholders of Holmarcom Group, one of the most important and active industrial, commercial and financial groups in Morocco, operating in Insurance (Atlanta and Sanad) , banking, Agrifood (Lemo SA, Somathes ..), Agro-industry, Agriculture, Air (Air Arabia Maroc…), Real Estate, distribution….
For nearly 23 years, she has also been managing the company Les Eaux Minérales d’Oulmès (Sidi Ali, Oulmés, Bahia, etc.) Company listed on the stock exchange since 1943, undisputed leader in the production, marketing and distribution of mineral water in the kingdom.
– MBA (Master of Business Administration) International.
– Management and Finance, University of Dallas (Graduate School of Management), Texas, USA.
1980-1984:- Business school graduate, Paris (France)

Professional experience
1986 – 1989:
* Moroccan Deposit and Credit Company (SMDC Bank)
* Securities and Participations Department.
* Since then, Director of the HOLMARCOM Group.
* Member of the Board of Bank Al Maghrib (Central Bank of Morocco)
* Chairman of the Audit Committee of Bank Al Maghrib
* Member of the Board of Directors of AL AKHAWAYN University
* Chairman of the Supervisory Board of CEMA (Centre Euro- Mediterranean for Mediation and Arbitration)
* Vice President of the Association for the Progress of Leaders (APD)
* Member of the AVERROES Committee
* Former President / Founder of the Casablanca Festival
* Member of the National Business Council (CNE) .
* Member of the Council “ARAB BUSINESS COUNCIL” (ABC) World Economic Forum (Davos)
* Member of the committee of the Moroccan British Business Council (MBBC)
* Member of the Young Presidents’ Organization (YPO).
* Member of the Board of the Social Development Agency (ADS)
* Member of the Board of Directors of Planet Finance Maroc
* Member of several Chambers of Commerce and multiple Charitable and Humanitarian Associations
* Appointed by His Majesty King Mohammed VI Commissioner of the Earth Day Management Association (Rabat – Morocco 2010)Leisure:
— IFR-VFR airplane pilot
– Winner of the “Trophée des Gazelles” rally
– Golf (1st series)
– Horse riding
– Motorcycle.

Interconnections between the International Elites under the cover of Voluntary Sociability

The Grand Ftour of Madame Obama at the expense of the Princess in Marrakech and to the detriment of the Moroccan people

We push the irony and lack of humility to the point of claiming that Mrs. Michelle Obama could take a quick trip to Morocco and Liberia to facilitate the education of little girls.

“The tour program includes a third stop in Marrakech, where Michelle Obama was received by Princess Lalla Salma of  Morocco  on the night of Monday to Tuesday. She will be joined there by the American actress Meryl Streep and will continue her advocacy for the education of young girls. Around the  world , 62 million girls are deprived of school. Morocco, despite recent progress, is one of the 21 least developed countries in terms of education. The enrollment rate for girls in  rural  areas at college level is only 57.8%. In qualifying secondary, no more than 18.8% are  enrolled  there.” End of quote.


Échec de la Nouvelle Éphémère Elite Pseudo-Techno-caste

Said El Mansour Cherkaoui by  Dr. Said El Mansour Cherkaoui  is licensed under a  Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License .
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